the collective Fortified granaries of the anti atlas
The Anti Atlas mountain chain in the Southwest of Morocco stretches from the Atlantic coast to the Tafilalt. The range is bordered to the north by the Souss valley and to the south by the Sahara. The landscape is characterised by rugged mountains and arid plateaux. The majority of the area is dry and barren and largely unsuitable for agriculture due to lack of rainfall and rivers. Only the northwestern areas are more wet and lend themselves better for agriculture. But even there, harvests are very uncertain because farmers are dependent on sufficient rainfall in the spring for crop success.
THE AGADIR, STRONGHOLD OF THE BERBERS
Traditionally the Anti Atlas is a conflict zone. Hostile Berber tribes and nomadic groups from the Sahara represented a constant threat. Moreover, the region has always been the scene of conflicts between local tribes and the central government, called Makhzan. It was therefore referred to as Bilad al-Siba, the land of schism, because it did not yield to the authority of the sultan. Only during the first decades of the twentieth century the turbulent region settled down, when the Sultan finally could establish his dominance. The French pacification in the 1930s finally silenced the din of arms.
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| Agadir Saissid, Ait Mzal (photo: Bart Deseyn) |
Due to these two factors: the uncertain harvests and the constant threat of aggressors of all sorts, a particular collective architecture developed. For centuries, the Berbers built igoudar (singular agadir), or collective granaries to protect and preserve their crops and other valuables. Families stored in them principally barley, but also, oil, almonds, title deeds, money, silver, jewels, clothes and carpets. In short, everything of value.
The bulk of the current igoudar is very old, their foundation dating back to the sixteenth or seventeenth century. It is assumed that the agadir is a thousand year old tradition that originates in the period when the southern tribes were still nomadic. The first igoudar were depositories fitted up in caves by nomads to store valuables during long absences. Sedentarisation made the igoudar evolve into what they are today: complex structures with an important communautary significance. This institute functioned fully into the 1930s, but became more and more obsolete afterwards because there was no, or in any case, a greatly reduced external threat.
Each agadir was garded and managed by an amin, or guardian, who was appointed by a council of dignitaries for a limited period of one or a few years. It was a very prestigious appointment that implied a great responsibility. The amin resided in the agadir and opened the gate at fixed hours, usually in the morning. Most igoudar, even those in disuse, still have an amin.
THE AGADIR, AN INSTITUTION WITH MULTIPLE FUNCTIONS
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| Measures at Agadir Itourhaïn (photo: Frans De Boer) |
Igoudar have an important sacral significance, they are untouchable, sanctified by the baraka, or blessing, of a marabout. In an agadir misdemeanour is fundamentally wrong; no trickery, swindel, theft, lies, adultery or murder was tolerated. In spite of this, it was also a place of shelter where offenders could find refuge for a limited time. The source of the sacred aspect of an agadir can originate from a marabout, but it is not inconceivable that the origin of this belief is older than Islam. Grain is sacred in itself because it is staple food and the source of life. The stored grain can thus give its magical power to the inviolability of the agadir. Agreements were often concluded in the agadir to give them the protection of the sacred spot. It is also meaningful that most of the igoudar accommodated a mosque, which emphasises the religious significance.
The agadir was an institution with multiple roles in community life. Next to the defensive, economic and religious aspects the agadir was also the hub of the community on a political and legal level. Each agadir had its own metric system to measure and weigh the harvest, it was the place where collective work was discussed and distributed, justice was administered, legal acts were closed and stored, and the village council assembled. The agadir was the emanation of collective and community life.
THE IGOUDAR IN THE ANTI ATLAS
The largest concentration of igoudar is to be found in the triangle Igherm - Ait Abdellah - Imi Mqourn on the northwestern side of the Anti Atlas. A second, smaller group, is located in the central Anti Atlas to the south and east of Igherm. On the south side, east of Ifrane de l’Anti Atlas, an other concentration of spectacular igoudar is to be found.
THE northwestern ANTI ATLAS
The Igoudar in the northwestern area form a particular unity. They were usually built by the tribe, seldom by a village. The fortified buildings assume the air of strongholds, they are mostly built on a hilltop, have high blank walls, watchtowers and only one heavy gate. Inside, they usually consist of a central corridor limited on both sides by the grain stores, build in two or three storeys. These family-owned storage cells were closed with a wooden door. Protruding flagstones fixed in the walls were used as stairs to reach the rooms on the second and third floor. The agadir usually had an enclosure bordered by fields of prickly cactus. Often there were several dependencies, a lodge for the amin, a stable, a mosque, a smithy, a mill and a meeting room. Surrounding the agadir cisterns were built. All Igoudar in this region were managed according to the law, written down in the founding act (louh) of Agadir Ajarif, which has long disappeared.
THE CENTRAL ANTI ATLAS
In the central Anti Atlas, with the tribes Ida Oukensous, Issafen and Tagmout another type of agadir emerges. The population were semi-nomads and, in addition to farming, also engaged in herding sheep and goats. The local igoudar have large courtyards around which, against the outer wall, grain stores were built. In case of emergency the herds were rounded up in the courtyard. Moreover, most igoudar are located in, or near villages. They were usually built by a village and not by a tribe.
THE SOUTH WESTERN ANTI ATLAS
In the south, an entirely different kind of agadir is to be found. Because of its location on the fringes of the Sahara the region often suffered from raids of nomads. The igoudar were built without exception on quasi impregnable rock cliffs.
THE AGADIR, AN ENDANGERED HERITAGE
During my travels through the Anti Atlas I have visited about sixty igoudar, the majority of which are no longer in use. Some are in good condition and some in decline. However, there are still some granaries in function. It is said that most of the igoudar remained partly functional up to the 1980s. The reason for this is no longer the defensive but rather the conservative quality of the buildings. In the elevated and well-ventilated constructions barley can be stored up to 25 years. A quality, not to be underestimated, in a region where only one out of five harvests is successful.
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| Agadir Talaât in the year 2011 (photo: Frans De Boer) |
Yet it is regrettable that the disintegration of the vast majority of igoudar is becoming an inevitable reality. There are a number of reasons for this. The first, historical aspect, was the systematic destruction of a large number of igoudar during and after the penetration of the Makhzen in the early twentieth century. The granaries were symbols of resistance, strongholds of the Siba, the independence of the Berber tribes against the central government, the Makhzan. A second element is the elimination of the threat of rival tribes. Finally, the semi-nomadic groups sedenterised and as a consequence had a reduced need for a safe repository during the months of absence during the grazing season.
To the best of my knowledge, a co-ordinated plan of action to indemnify this magnificent collective architecture does not exist currently. The granaries mentioned in tourist guides, such as n'Id Aissa and n'Tesguinnt are in good repair because they represent a source of income for the residents. The reality however is that 95% is no longer maintained due to lack of resources or interest of the local population. There are personal initiatives. For example: Salima Naji, an architect and anthropologist who takes action and continues to work tirelessly to safeguard this unique heritage. We can only hope that her work inspires the Moroccan authorities and international organisations to take action. I see my own work as a modest contribution to create awareness for this millenary and magnificent architecture.
Sources:
De Meulemeester, Johnny. The Cabezo de la Cobertera (Valle de Ricote, Murcia) and the fortified granaries from the Maghreb to central Europe, http://www.valledericote.com/rincon/cabezo_cobertera_granary.pdf
Humbert, André & Fikri Mohammed. Les greniers collectifs fortifiés de l'Anti-Atlas occidental et central. Etude de cas., in Castrum 5, Archéologie des espaces agraires méditerranéens au Moyen Age, Rome: Ecole française de Rome, Casa Velazquez, 1999
Jacques-Meunié, Djinn. Greniers citadelles au Maroc, Paris: Arts et Métiers Graphiques, 1951
Montagne, Robert. Un magasin collectif de l'Anti-Atlas, l'Agadir des Ikounka, Paris: Larose, 1930
Naji, Salima. Greniers collectifs de l'Atlas Patrimoines du Sud marocain, Casablanca: La croisée des chemins, 2006